Hillary Clinton polling shows Democrat down in wake of fresh email controversy

A single percentage point separates two top contenders as 2016 race tightens in national polls.

By Graham Lanktree

US Democratic presidential nominee Hillary Clinton speaks at a Community in Unity rally in Wilton Manors, FloridaJewel Samad/ AFP

New national polls show Hillary Clinton's campaign narrowly holding on to her lead in the 2016 US election. This tightening of the race follows a fresh controversy over her handling of government emails while Secretary of State.

A single percentage point now separates the Democrat from Republican contender Donald Trump a national ABC News/Washington Post poll shows. It puts Clinton in the lead with just 46% to Trump's 45% share of the vote.

Another poll tracking the impact of the Clinton email controversy showed a similar one percentage point between Trump and the Democrat. Clinton had been maintaining a 3% lead over Trump in many national polls following a series of sex scandals about the real estate mogul throughout October.

In a letter sent to government officials Friday (28 October) FBI Director James Comey raised new questions about Clinton's handling of sensitive information while Secretary of State.

Comey said the FBI found emails that may be related to his past investigation of a private email server maintained by Clinton. He closed that investigation in July, finding no wrongdoing, and in the letter said the FBI did not yet know the content of the emails and whether they were duplicates that had already been investigated.

The emails were found on the computer of Huma Abedin, vice chairwoman of Clinton's campaign. The computer was being examined for another case concerning Abedin's estranged husband, disgraced former congressman Anthony Weiner. He faces allegations that he sexted with an underage girl.

Former Attorney General Eric Holder and nearly 100 past Department of Justice officials condemned Comey's letter Sunday, equating it with an attempt to influence the election.

In the final days of the campaign Trump is focused on swing states. He will make appearances in Michigan today (31 October) after he visited Florida and Ohio last week.

The ABC News/Washington Post poll was carried out over three days to last Friday (28 October) when Comey's letter became public. The second BD/TIPP poll shows reaction in the wake of the fresh email controversy up to Monday (31 October).

Combining the 10 most recent national polls into an average, the New York Times still has Clinton with a large advantage over Trump with the two polling 45.8% to 40.7%.

The Democrat also maintains a large lead when it comes to the most recent state-by-state polling looking at who will take the most Electoral College votes to win the election. But Trump has gained on Clinton here as well.

His chance of winning rose from 18.9% last week to 21.1.% as of 31 October. But Clinton still has a 78.8% chance of taking the presidency as she is projected to hold 319 of the electoral votes. Just 270 are needed to win. Trump has 217.

Africa’s presidents are struggling to meet their own ambitious anti-corruption targets

Joshua Masinde, Quartz Africa

President Uhuru Kenyatta: frustrated. (Reuters/Stephane Mahe)

Kenya’s president Uhuru Kenyatta was last week roundly criticized by his country men and women after admitting, in startlingly frank terms, his helplessness in fighting against endemic corruption. Kenyatta said he had tried everything in his power including sacking cabinet ministers and others implicated in corruption to no avail.

“Show me any one administration since independence that has taken action on corruption like I have done, the president said. “I have removed everybody. I have done my part, at great expense also, political, by asking these guys to step aside.”

His frustration is a classic tale of failed attempts by different African governments in their relentless struggle to fight the vice that has plagued the continent for decades. His comments came as no surprise, though, as a survey by market research firm, Infotrack, in August this year, ranked his office and that of his deputy the most corrupt state departments in the country.

Like his Kenyan counterpart, Nigerian president Muhammadu Buhari has spoken of frustrations in fighting the corruption in Africa’s largest economy, despite the zeal to do so. That frustration and a lack of meaningful tangible results, probably led to government agencies sidestepping legal due process and raiding homes of judges this month in a corruption purge that has been criticized by civil society watchers. Buhari won last year’s election with a campaign focused on rooting out corruption but his ineffectiveness so far has used up his goodwill and is now accused of using the anti-corruption drive to go after political rivals.

The sheer scale of the scandals reported in Nigeria and Kenya have been mind-boggling at times. The former head of Kenya’s anti-corruption commission Philip Kinisu told Reuters in Mar. 2016 that Kenya loses about a third of its annual budget (equivalent to $6 billion) to corruption yearly.

“This is an unfortunate but not an unanticipated state of affairs considering the theatre of the absurd that has been the war against corruption since 2013,” anti-corruption crusader John Githongo, tells Quartz.

Critics like Samuel Kimeu the executive director Transparency International-Kenya, say leaders such as president Kenyatta appear to have lost the political will to fight the vice once and for all.

“We haven’t seen any attempts from the president to enforce compliance with basic public accounting principles and no administrative sanctions meted out against those implicated.”

After years of paying lip-service to dealing with corruption many African presidents are working to at least appear to be working hard to fight graft. Many of their citizens instinctively believe corruption has been one of the key factors contributing to low levels of development and persistent poverty despite being rich in natural resources.

In day to day life, citizens often report paying bribes to access services in government offices, avoid arrest, get employment or get away with crime. In Liberia, for instance, seven out of 10 people reported paying bribes to access basic public services such as schooling and healthcare. But, president Ellen Johnson Sirleaf who has been fighting off corruption allegations has in equal measure mounted a crackdown on officials implicated in theft of public funds. President Yoweri Museveni of Uganda who has bragged of instituting many anti-corruption measures, has often protected graft suspects mostly cronies and cabinet ministers.

South Africa’s Jacob Zuma is another whose anti-corruption crusades have failed both in practice and in spirit. He has been fighting attempts to face nearly 800 charges related to corruption and money laundering for several years as well as the use of government funds to expand his personal home.

However, unlike many of his counterparts, Tanzanian president John Magufuli has earned himself praise in his commitment to fight corruption. In the first two months in office, he fired many senior officials at Tanzania Revenue Authority. The head of the country’s anti-corruption bureau was not spared in the graft purge. But in recent months there is a creeping feeling Magufuli’s ‘bulldozer’ approach has taken autocratic turn.

Off-grid solar power: Africa unplugged

Small-scale solar power is surging ahead

A FEW miles down a rutted dirt road, and many more from the nearest town, a small farmhouse stands surrounded by dense green bush. On the inside of one wall gangly wires reach down to a switch and light that are connected to a solar panel. Readers in rich countries may well consider electric lighting mundane. But in northern Rwanda, where fewer than one in ten homes has access to electricity, simple solar systems that do not rely on the grid—and use a battery to store electricity for use at night—are a leap into modernity. A service once available only to rich Africans in big towns or cities is now available for just a few dollars a week. People are able to light their rooms, charge a smartphone and listen to the radio. In a few years they will probably also be watching television, powering their irrigation pumps and cooling their homes with fans. 

In short, poor people in a continent in which two of every three people have no access to power may soon be able to do many of the things that their counterparts in rich countries can do, other, perhaps, than running energy-hogging appliances such as tumble dryers and dishwashers. And they will be able do so at a fraction of the cost of traditional sources of energy while also acting as a testing ground for technologies that may even make their way back from poor countries to rich ones.

In this section

Africa unplugged

Off-grid solar is spreading at an electrifying pace. An industry that barely existed a few years ago is now thought to be providing power to perhaps 600,000 households in Africa. The pace of growth is accelerating in a continent that, more than any other, is rich in sunshine (see map). Industry executives reckon that over the next year the number of home-power systems on African roofs will grow by 60-100%. M-Kopa, the market leader, has installed 400,000 systems and, at its current rate of growth, may add another 200,000 to that number over the next year. Smaller rivals such as Off Grid Electric, Bboxx and Azuri Technologies may well double their client base over the same period.

This fast pace of growth suggests that, if sustained, off-grid connections will within a few years outstrip the rate at which people are being connected to the grid, leapfrogging power lines in much the same way that mobile phones bypassed fixed-line telephone networks. This promises not just to improve millions of lives but to help deal with a chronic shortage of power that, the World Bank reckons, trims about two percentage points from Africa’s annual economic growth.

Extending electricity grids across Africa might seem a better alternative. But, for the moment, it is unrealistic. Rwanda, one of Africa’s most densely-populated countries, found that it costs an average of $880 to link a house to the grid. Yet even that figure is misleading since it changed its policy to concentrate on connecting only those homes that are already close to existing power lines. Before this change it cost an average of about $2,000 per connection, about ten times the cost of an off-grid system. The Africa Progress Panel, a group of experts led by Kofi Annan, a former UN secretary-general reckons that more than 600m people are not connected to grids and that to wire them up, investment in electricity infrastructure would have to rise to about $55bn a year from the current $8bn. On current trends it would take until 2080 to link all Africans to the grid.

Just a few years ago the idea that “off-grid” systems could fill the gap seemed preposterous: the market was dominated by charities giving away solar-powered lanterns that could produce a few hours of light at night. But as technology and venture capital firms have entered the market, the industry has quickly evolved, helped by three developments.

The first has been an 80% fall in the cost of solar panels since 2010, according to the International Renewable Energy Agency to as little as 52 American cents per watt of capacity. A more important innovation has been the “pay-as-you-go” business model, based on selling electricity as a service rather than selling solar cells. A bevy of companies have sprung up offering to install systems and then charge customers a weekly or monthly fee. This allows poor households to have part-use of solar systems costing as much $250 that they would struggle to buy outright. Many firms have connected their systems to mobile phone networks so that they can bill customers using mobile money and cut them off the moment a payment is missed (some are building in Wi-Fi routers to offer internet connections, too). Default rates are anyway low because many rural Africans already spend some $100-$140 a year on kerosene lamps and candles, and another 15-25c each time they charge their phones.

The third big change has been in the development of devices that use less electricity. The most important of these are light-emitting diode (LED) bulbs, which provide illumination with about 20% of the energy of conventional bulbs. But energy savings are also spreading to phones, televisions, fans and radios. Azuri Technologies is taking this a step further by building intelligent solar systems that learn how their users typically use energy. The system then uses this information to ensure it never leaves them in the dark. If a cloudy day reduces the amount of power it collected then it will imperceptibly dim the lights and television to keep them running.

The biggest constraint to faster growth is a shortage of finance, since most off-grid firms are putting up the money for new installations, but are only getting paid back by their customers over time. A second constraint is production. Mansoor Hamayun, the CEO of Bboxx, laments that he can’t make systems quickly enough. “It’s not about a lack of demand…we run out of stock frequently,” he says.

To be sure, home solar will not solve all of Africa’s power problems. Current systems can already light up small shops and service businesses such as hairdressers—Lumos Global reckons that about a quarter of its systems are used in hospitals and businesses. Several firms are working on scaling them up to to provide power to small factories and farms. But even so, off-grid power will not displace the traditional sort when it comes to big industries.

For the moment many policymakers in Africa see the two technologies as competing and fret that off-grid power companies will eat into the customer base of state-owned electricity monopolies. Instead they should encourage the competition that is lifting the burden of rural electrification from the state while allowing it to concentrate its investment in improving power supplies in those areas where it can be used to power industrial growth. (The Economist)

EXIT UP AHEAD: The African leaders leaving the International Criminal Court actually have a chance to fix it

Lynsey Chutel, Quartz Africa

Leaving so soon? (Reuters/Phil Noble)

It was June 2015, and South Africans were caught up in an international drama involving a mad dash to find Omar al-Bashir. Dozens of leaders had gathered in Johannesburg for an African Union summit, but it was the presence of the Sudanese leader—in defiance of an international warrant for his arrest—that stole the show. The summit’s discussions on gender equality were overshadowed by the question: Would South Africa, a self-styled beacon of human rights on the African continent, hand over a man facing charges of genocide against his own people to the International Criminal Court?

It would not. Much to the dismay of South Africa’s rights groups, al-Bashir’s jet was allowed to take off from Pretoria despite a local court order to stop him. Fast forward a year later, and South Africa has become the first country to formally withdraw from the ICC, arguing that its obligations to the court are preventing it from ensuring diplomatic immunity for leaders and officials. Its justice minister argues that it needs to be able to offer this immunity so that it can host peace negotiations.

South Africa is not alone in expressing its dissatisfaction with the court. Uganda’s president Yoweri Museveni, despite once asking the court to help prosecute rebel fighters, praised South Africa’s decision, calling the ICC “useless.” Earlier this month, Burundi’s parliament voted to leave the court, submitting its withdrawal to the UN. This week, Gambia followed suit, calling the court an “‘International Caucasian Court’ for the persecution and humiliation of people of color, especially Africans.” Kenyan lawmakers have already tabled a bill to withdraw from the court, and Namibia is also reconsidering its membership, saying the country no longer needs the court, now that its own institutions have strengthened. Perhaps most significantly, the African Union earlier this year said it would consider a mass withdrawal from the court, a proposal initiated by Kenyan president Uhuru Kenyatta, who had previously appeared at The Hague on allegations of crimes against humanity (the charges were dropped.)

The ICC’s value is as a court of last resort for victims let down by the governments that are meant to protect them. If it loses legitimacy—as it might if South Africa’s exit leads to others doing the same—it could mean the beginning of the end for an institution designed to fight for the world’s most vulnerable people. Rather than abandoning the court, African nations have the opportunity to use their power as a region to reform the court from within, and ensure that the principle of impunity applies equally to all states.

Hiring Fatou Bensouda as prosecutor hasn’t helped the ICC’s image. (AP Photo/Pool/Bas Czerwinski)

The ICC was established in 2002 under the Rome Statute, a 1998 treaty which determined genocide, war crimes and crimes against humanity as international crimes, and gave the court the mandate and jurisdiction to prosecute them. The ratification of the statute was described as a “milestone in humankind’s efforts towards a more just world,” in the ICC’s founding documents. Thirty four African states signed up to the court, comprising the largest regional bloc of the 122 countries that volunteered to be under the court’s jurisdiction.

Since then, Africans have lost their enthusiasm for the court’s style of international criminal justice, accusing it of bias. Fueling this suspicion is the fact that nine of the ten situations the court is currently investigating are in African countries. The election of Gambian Fatou Bensouda as chief prosecutor in 2011 has done little to change the perception of bias, even in her own home country.

“Yes the African leaders who are being prosecuted deserve to be, and their victims are African, but who is not being prosecuted?” said Bonita Meyersfeld, a professor at the Wits Centre for Applied Legal Studies. “If you have a system of justice that is not global, why call it the global system of justice?”

South Africa’s decision has swung the exit door wide open for others to follow. 

This criticism is not unwarranted. Despite its wide reach, the ICC simply does not have clout to investigate countries in the west, known in international relations as the “global north.” If anything, it is simply more deferential to these countries, Meyersfeld said. The court has initiated preliminary investigations into situations in Palestine, the Ukraine, Colombia, Afghanistan, as well as the UK’s involvement in the Iraq war. But this preliminary caseload also includes investigations into Nigeria, Burundi, Guinea, and Gabon.

The ICC has refuted accusations of bias, inviting academics and other experts to weigh in, and saying that the number of African cases has more to do with its jurisdiction being limited to signatories of the Rome Statute, and over crimes committed after 2002.

Of the current African cases on the prosecutor’s desk, all but two were brought to the ICC by the states themselves, including when national justice systems have failed. In the cases of Libya and Sudan, the investigations were referred to the prosecutors office after a vote by the UN Security Council, votes in which African countries participated, ICC spokesman Fadi El Abdallah told Quartz. He insists that the court is not targeting African personalities, but rather acting on behalf African victims.

The International Criminal Court is based in The Hague, the Netherlands. (AP Photo/Mike Corder)

The court’s apparent lack of objectivity may have more to do with global political inequality than the mechanisms of the ICC. The United Nations Security Council is perhaps one of the most powerful yet imbalanced international instruments, dominated by China, Russia, France, the United States, the United Kingdom. The five have a permanent seat on the council and veto power, a throwback to the geopolitics of a post-World War II era. Here African countries have long lobbied, and failed, to bring reform. In some cases, the security council has simply ignored African leaders’ requests to handle their own matters first, said Meyersfeld. She described the security council’s attitude towards African issues as one “of deep disrespect” and says that culture permeates the ICC’s operations. “It comes with a prejudice and a hubris and an arrogance that has left a very bitter taste in the mouths of African states,” she said.

Despite the criticisms leveled against it, the court remains one of the few places where victims of genocide, atrocities, war crimes and other aggressions can take their case. Africa has its own Court on Human and Peoples’ Rights, managed by the continent’s regional body, the African Union (AU), but it only acts on referral from member states, not individual victims, explained Meyersfeld. In May this year, a special AU court successfully prosecuted and sentenced to life former Chadian leader Hissene Habre for war crimes. But in 2014, the AU voted to grant sitting presidents and high-ranking officials immunity from prosecution, leaving victims of state-sponsored atrocities with nowhere to turn. Imagine if that vote was used for good.

“If they [African states] were to use that power to advance trade and to ensure that there is no double standard with regards to impunity, I think that would be very powerful,” Meyersfield said.

United Nations secretary-general Ban Ki-Moon has asked South Africa and Burundi, as some of the court’s earliest supporters, to reconsider their decisions. Senegal’s minister of justice Sadiki Kaba, who is current president of the ICC’s member assembly, said their withdrawal would weaken “the only permanent international criminal court in charge of prosecuting the most serious crimes that shock the conscience of humanity.” Botswana spoke out against neighboring South Africa’s decision, saying it believes the ICC is the only court that can really fight impunity. Nigerian and Kenyan civil society advocates have also criticized the decision.

Human Rights Watch head Ken Roth laid out what is at stake if African countries choose to leave the court, instead of trying to reform it. “The alternative to ICC prosecution in the cases it has taken on would be no prosecution at all,” Roth wrote. “No justice for the countless Africans who have been murdered, tortured, raped, or forced to become child soldiers.”

DC NDEJEMBI AZINDUA KAMPENI YA ONDOA NJAA KONGWA (ONJAKO)

Mkuu wa wilaya ya Kongwa Mh Deo Ndejembi akizungumza mara baada ya kuzindua kampeni ya kuondoa Njaa wilaya ya Kongwa, (ONJAKO) 

Mkuu wa wilaya ya Kongwa Mh Deo Ndejembi akizindua kampeni ya kuondoa Njaa wilaya ya Kongwa, (ONJAKO) 

Ofisa Kilimo Mkoa wa Dodoma Bi Aziza Mumba akisisitiza jambo wakati wa uzinduzi wa Okoa Njaa Wilayani Kongwa

Makamu Mwenyekiti wa Halmashauri ya Wilaya ya Kongwa Richard Mwite

Mkuu wa Wilaya ya Kongwa Mkoani Dodoma Mhe Deo Ndejembi akisisitiza vijana Kulima na kuacha kucheza mchezo wa Pool Table wakati wa kazi

Na Peter Daffi, Dodoma

Mkuu wa Wilaya ya Kongwa Mkoani Dodoma Mhe Deo Ndejembi ameanzisha kampeni ya kuondoa Njaa wilaya ya Kongwa, (ONJAKO) yenye dhamira ya kuwasaidia wananchi kuondokana na hali yanjaa ambayo ni kadhia kubwa katika maeneo mbalimbali ya Wilaya hiyo sambamba na Taifa kwa ujumla.

Kuanzishwa kwa Kampeni ya Okoa njaa Wilaya ya Kongwa imejili wakati Mkuu huyo wa Wilaya ya Kongwa Akizungumza na Wakuuwa Idara na vitengo, Madiwani wa Kata zote zilizopo Wilayani humo, Watendaji wa Kata, Maafisa Tarafa, Waratibu Elimu Kata, Wenyeviti wa Vijiji vyote 87 vya Wilaya ya Kongwa na watendaji wao, pamoja na wadau waalikwa na Kilimo. 

Akizindua kampeni hiyo Dc Ndejembi alisema kuwa Kampeni hiyo imezinduliwa Mwezi Octoba kwa ajili ya msimu wa mwaka 2016/2017 na inatarajiwa kuwa kampeni Endelevu katika kipindi cha Miaka mitano.

Ameeleza kuwa huu ni mkakati maalumu katika Wilaya ya Kongwa Mkoani Dodoma ili kukabiliana na hali ya Ukame ambayo ni tatizo sugu katika maeneo mengi nchini.

Kutokana na hayo DC Ndejembi ameagiza kuwa na kilimo cha Mtama zaidi kuliko Mahindi. Kwani Wilaya ya Kongwa ina Kaya 59141, na kila kaya kama ikilima Heka mbili (2) za Mtama, Mavuno itakuwa Tani 71000, za Mtama sawa na 83% ya hitaji la chakula Wilayani Kongwa.

Katika kukabiliana na njaa mahitaji mengine mahususi yametajwa ikiwa ni pamoja na Kuongeza uzalishaji wa mtama toka tani 1/ Hekta mwaka 2016 hadi tani3/hekta ifikapo mwezi June 2021, Kuongeza Uzalishaji wa Muhogo mbichi toka tani 6/hekta Mwaka 2016 hadi tani 10 hekta mwaka 2029, Kuongeza uzalishaji wa zao la Alizeti toka tani 1.2/ hekta mwaka 2016 hadi tani 1.8/hekta mwaka 2021.

Pia Mhe Ndejembi alisema kuwa mahitaji mengine ni pamoja na Kuongeza uzalishaji wa ufuta toka tani 0.5/hekta mwaka 2016 hadi tani 1.2/hekta ifikapo june 2021, pamoja na Kuongeza pato la Mtu/watu toka Tsh 500,000/= Mwaka 2016 hadi Tsh 800,000/= June 2021.

DC Ndejembi ameagiza kufanyika utaratibu wa kuhakikisha kila kaya inalima Heka zisizopungua mbili (2) za Mtama, Mbili za Mahindi, kulingana na eneo husika wakishauriwa na maafisa ugani lakini mtama ni lazima kwa kila kaya hata kama analima mahindi.

Pia amewaagiza vijana wote wasio na kazi Wilayani Kongwa wapewe Hekari mbili kila mmoja ili waache kucheza pool table na kujihusisha na vikundi Ovu vya wizi na matumizi ya Dawa za kulevya.

Saambamba na hayo Mhe Ndejembi aamepiga marufuku kuchezwa mchezo wa Pool Table mpaka ifikapo majira ya saa 10 jioni, hivyo kwa yeyote atakaye kiuka utaratibu huo atakuwa amekiuka amri halali ya serikali. 

Kitabu kinachoelezea mbinu zinazotumiwa na watu matajiri kufanikiwa kimaisha chazinduliwa Dar

Imeelezwa kwamba watu wengi wamekuwa wakishindwa kufanikiwa kimaisha kutokana na kutokuwa na mipango ya kimaisha ambayo wanaweza kuifanyia kazi ili waweze kufanikiwa kama jinsi ilivyo kwa baadhi ya watu ambao wanaonekana kuwa na mafanikio.

Hayo yamesemwa na Mwandishi wa kitabu cha TIMIZA MALENGO YAKO, Joel Nanauka wakati wa uzinduzi wa kitabu hcho ambacho kinnaelezea mbinu 60 ambazo zinatumiwa na watu waliofanikiwa kimaisha kuweza kufikia alengo ambayo wamejiwekeakatika maisha yao.

Nanauka alisema watu wengi wamekuwa wakitamani kufanikiwa lakini wamekuwa hawajui ni hatua gani za kupitia na kufanikiwa na baada ya yeye kufanya utafiti wa muda mrefu kwa watu mbalimbali duniani waliofanikiwa na wasiofanikiwa, ameweza kupata mbinu 60 ambazo ndiyo zinatofautisha watu wa matabaka hayo mawili

Alisema kupitia kitabu hicho msmaji ataweza kufahamu ni mambo gani anatakiwa kufanya na yapi hatakiwi kufanya ili kufanikiwa kama wengine kwa kuzingatia mbinu ambazo pia zimekuwa zikitumiwa na watu waliofanikiwa katika nyanja mbalimbali kama biashara, michezo, sanaa na hata uongozi.

"Watu wengi wanapenda kufanikiwa lakini kama huna malengo huwezi kufanikiwa, watu wengi hawajui wanatumia njia gani ili kufanikiwa na hadi wanaondoka duniani wanaondoka na ndoto walizokuwa nazo, ndoto ambazo zilitakiwa kubaki zikifanya kazi duniani,

"Sababu ya kuandika kitabu hiki ilianza nipotaka kujua utofauti wa waliofanikiwa na wasiofanikiwa, aliyefanikiwa kwa aliye Marekani na Tanzania na asiefanikiwa aliye Tanzania a Mareani, nilianza kusoa kwanini wengine wanaweza kufanikiwa katikati ya mamilioni ya watu na baada ya kupata mawazo ya jumla ndiyo nikapata mbinu 60 ambazo zipo katika kitabu cha TIMIZA AHADI YAKO," alisema Nanauka.

Nanauka alisema kitabu hicho kitakuwa kikuzwa kwa Tsh. 10,000 na anaamini kila ambaye ataweza kusoma kitabu hicho ataweza kupata kitu kipya ambacho kitaweza kumsadiakufanikiwa na kufika ndoto abazo anatamani kuzifikia.

"Matumaini yangu kila atakaesoma kitabu hiki maisha yake yabadilike kutokana na mambo ambayo atayasoma na kila mtu hatajutia kusoma kitabu hiki, nimekiandaa kwa muda mrefu kwa kufanya tafiti nyingi na kuweka mifano ambayo naamini itabadili maisha ya watu wengi wataokisoma," alisema Nanauka.

Mwandishi wa kitabu cha TIMIZA MALENGO YAKO, Joel Nanauka akizungumza kuhusu kitabu cha TIMIZA ALENGO YAKO na jinsi ambavyo kinaweza kubadili maisha ya watu ambao watakisoma. 

Mwandishi wa kitabu cha TIMIZA MALENGO YAKO, Joel Nanauka akizunguza kuhusu kitabu cha TIMIZA AHADI YAKO wakati wa uzinduzi wa kitabu hicho ambacho kitauzwa kwa Tsh. 10,000. 

Mshauri wa Saikolojia na Mahusiano, ambaye pia ni Mhadhiri wa somo la Saikolojia katika Chuo Kikuu Dar es Salaam (UDSM), Dr. Chris Mauki akizungumza mambo ya kuzingatiwa ili mtu afanikiwa kimaisha. 

Mshauri wa Saikolojia na Mahusiano, ambaye pia ni Mhadhiri wa somo la Saikolojia katika Chuo Kikuu Dar es Salaam (UDSM), Dr. Chris Mauki akifanya uzinduzi wa kitabu cha TIMIZA AHADI YAKO. 

Mwandishi wa kitabu cha TIMIZA MALENGO YAKO, Joel Nanauka akipiga makofi mara baada ya Mshauri wa Saikolojia na Mahusiano, ambaye pia ni Mhadhiri wa somo la Saikolojia katika Chuo Kikuu Dar es Salaam (UDSM), Dr. Chris Mauki kukamilisha zoezi la uzinduzi wa kitabu hicho. 

Makamu wa Rais wa TCCIA, Octavian Mshiu akilezea jinsi kitabu TIMIZA MALENGO YAKO kilivyoandaliwa na faida kwa msomaji. 

Baadhi ya watu waliohudhuria uzinduzi wa kitabu cha TIMIZA MALENGO YAKO.